On June 30, 2026, the Supreme Court ruled that the Trump administration could not use an executive order to end birthright citizenship for children born on U.S. soil. Chief Justice John Roberts wrote a 26-page opinion saying the 14th Amendment's citizenship clause is clear and does not limit citizenship to children of citizens or permanent residents. Lower courts had already blocked the order.
Trump's first-day executive order sought to end birthright citizenship, arguing it was abused through “birth tourism.” The Court majority rejected that reading; only Justices Clarence Thomas and Neil Gorsuch mentioned birth tourism in dissent.
The claim of 100 million people illegally in the U.S. is wildly inflated. The total U.S. population is about 342 million, and government data do not support anywhere near 100 million noncitizens or unauthorized immigrants.
Birth tourism is not “big business.” Researchers estimate roughly 5,000–10,000 such births per year — about 0.3% of U.S. births — and even higher estimates top out near 26,000. The Supreme Court majority largely ignored birth-tourism arguments when rejecting limits on birthright citizenship.
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BA post on X from Rene Reyna says one out of a hundred judges gets it right, then claims the U S has a hundred million people here illegally from Mexico and other countries.
BA hundred million. That's nearly a third of the country.
BTotal U.S. population is about three hundred forty-two million. No government data supports anywhere near a hundred million unauthorized immigrants.
BSo we're arguing with a post that couldn't be more wrong.
BThat's the point. And the same account has another one worth talking about: Texas, birthright citizenship, tourism is big business.
BNow that one touches a real Supreme Court ruling from June.
BExactly. The Court said Trump can't end birthright citizenship by executive order.
BThe lower courts had already blocked it. Chief Justice John Roberts wrote a twenty-six-page opinion saying the Fourteenth Amendment is clear.
BIt says anyone born on U.S. soil, subject to the jurisdiction, is a citizen. Roberts said the language doesn't limit it to kids of citizens or permanent residents.
BBut the Trump argument was that birth tourism abuses it. Flying here just for a passport is an abuse.
BAbuse at what scale? Researchers put birth tourism at five to ten thousand births a year—about point three percent of U.S. births.
BEven so, that's thousands of citizenship certificates handed out to people gaming the system. That's not nothing.
BHigh estimates top out near twenty-six thousand. That's a fraction of one percent of all births. Calling it big business is misleading, plain and simple.
BBut it's not zero, Bella. And the Constitution doesn't require us to keep every mistake.
BThe Court majority didn't see it as a mistake. Roberts wrote, "nothing in the succinct language of the citizenship clause conveyed that design."
BThat's exactly my point! He said Congress could. The Court didn't bless the policy forever—it said the president can't do it alone.
BSo you agree the executive order was wrong?
BLegally, yes. The president can't rewrite an amendment by memo. But politically, he was right to start the conversation.
BLet's be precise. The question before the Court was who gets to make that change, not whether the policy is good.
BRight. It's a separation of powers decision, not a moral approval.
BSo if you say the policy deserves another look, you're not defying the Court.
BExactly. I'm not defying the Court. I'm saying the policy debate is still open.
BNo, you're just ignoring the data.
BI'm not ignoring—I'm weighing it differently. A loophole that's small today can grow.
BThat's hypothetical. The research says even high estimates are tiny. The "wealthy foreigner" story doesn't match.
BI know a Penn State sociologist said that. But the incentive is real: have a baby here, get a U.S. passport.
BThat's exactly what the Fourteenth Amendment allowed. It was a post-war guarantee, not an accident.
BMaybe it's served its purpose. Countries change constitutions.
BThen amend it. That's the legal path. Not an executive order and not a false hundred million.
BI'll give you the hundred million. But the birth tourism concern is legitimate enough that two justices mentioned it in dissent.
BOnly Thomas and Gorsuch. All the other justices acknowledged citizenship contours shouldn't change because of this one small group.
BAnd that's a respectable legal view. I just don't think it's noble to keep a loophole because it's small.
BIt's not a loophole. It's the text of the Fourteenth Amendment, written after the Civil War to guarantee citizenship wasn't based on your parents' status.
BI understand the history. But other countries don't do automatic birthright citizenship. Why is it un-American to ask if we should still do it?
BBecause the answer has to come from Congress, not a post on X. And definitely not with a hundred million imaginary people.
BNow who's bringing up the hundred million?
BIt's the number that keeps the debate stupid. I'd rather argue about real policy.
BFine. The post was garbage. But I still think birth tourism is a real problem worth fixing.
BAnd if Congress actually moves a bill, we'll fact-check that too.
BYou'll have plenty of work.
BGood. I'd rather fact-check a bill than a hundred million fantasy.
BNoted.
BThen bring a real number and a real bill. Not a takeover story.
BI'll bring the bill if you bring the votes.
BDeal. I'll be watching for the bill.